ezzab126's review against another edition
challenging
dark
funny
informative
reflective
slow-paced
3.75
Incredibly informative but slightly repetitive in some places, but I understand that was just to reinforce the point. Interesting and tidy conclusion. All around a good engaging read. Learnt lots.
rcollins1701's review against another edition
4.0
Trump's "America First" motto has a long history, none of it good. Churchwell, along with other historians, argue that fascism, though first named and practiced as such in Italy, has its ideological origins in the United States. Churchwell also shows us how recent the concept of the American Dream as a synonym for financial prosperity is, and how misguided it is. A must read for anyone willing to peel back the façade of American exceptionalism and glimpse the rot underneath.
blackoxford's review against another edition
2.0
The American Contradiction
Everyone is entitled to a view of what constitutes the true, the ideal America. Sarah Churchwell has her version fairly well-defined: “America wasn’t supposed to be an exceptional place because its citizens had dreams, or even because those dreams sometimes were fulfilled. That’s true of everyone. It was supposed to be exceptional in being a place dedicated to the proposition of helping those dreams to be realised...” And she provides enough contextual evidence to make this view plausible. What does such a view imply?
Dreaming is an uncomplicated business. It is imagining without constraints. No resource constraints, no time limitations, no moral inhibitions, perhaps even the absence of physical laws. Dreaming as such can’t be regulated no matter how radical. But the idea of assisting in the realisation of dreams, no matter how mundane or trivial, is another matter altogether, and implies a great deal of regulation indeed. This is where Churchwell goes off the rails - logically, psychologically, and sociologically.
Presumably the assistance in realising one’s dream is meant to come from one’s fellow citizens. This is the opinion shared by that most American of philosophers, Josiah Royce. His idea of the Beloved Community articulates exactly this. Quite appropriately, Royce’s philosophy is a kind of secularised Christianity, an argument for mutual acceptance and loyalty to one another that fits comfortably with Churchwell’s mutual-assistance view of America.
But Churchwell ignores an issue that is central to Royce’s analysis. The Beloved Community can only exist if its members can find and commit to an intention, a purpose, which includes both their own and that of their fellow citizens. Merely accepting that others have different objectives than oneself is inadequate. In fact the diversity of unresolved interests is guaranteed to create a political outcome that no one wants even if all can accept it. We all become constrains on everyone else, thus ensuring that whatever dreams there are can never be realised.
In other words, there is a way, according to Royce, for realising our dreams. But the price necessary to achieve this is a very special sort of constructive politics. This is a politics of inclusion, of the incorporation of individual interests into an increasingly broad collective interest. The only way to eliminate the constraints we impose on each other is to ensure that there are no constraints on who participates in politics and a mechanism through which such ‘higher interests’ can be formulated. This is the implication of Royce’s analysis, and the requirement for Churchwell’s view to be operational.
Unfortunately the political system of the United States was not designed for such a constructive politics. It is a dialectical not a synthetic system. It thrives on immediate differences not potential commonalities. Its standard of success is winning not cooperating. American politics are what economists call a zero-sum game: winners are exactly balanced by losers. Synthetic solutions, that is actions that further purposes which go beyond individual interests but also include those interests, are rarely if ever possible.
So while I can certainly endorse Churchwell’s view as consistent with Royce’s philosophy as well as my own preferences, I have to conclude that it is no more than sentimental splutter. If Churchwell’s opinion were shared by enough Americans, it might provoke a political revolution. But the result would not resemble the America that exists today, or that has existed for the last two centuries. This is an America of the pioneering individualist and of the neo-liberal philosophy of the priority of individual interests. ‘America first’ actually means ‘Me first’ which is patently contradictory within any polity. And it is a very different dream than Churchwell’s, one that seems rapidly turning into a nightmare.
Everyone is entitled to a view of what constitutes the true, the ideal America. Sarah Churchwell has her version fairly well-defined: “America wasn’t supposed to be an exceptional place because its citizens had dreams, or even because those dreams sometimes were fulfilled. That’s true of everyone. It was supposed to be exceptional in being a place dedicated to the proposition of helping those dreams to be realised...” And she provides enough contextual evidence to make this view plausible. What does such a view imply?
Dreaming is an uncomplicated business. It is imagining without constraints. No resource constraints, no time limitations, no moral inhibitions, perhaps even the absence of physical laws. Dreaming as such can’t be regulated no matter how radical. But the idea of assisting in the realisation of dreams, no matter how mundane or trivial, is another matter altogether, and implies a great deal of regulation indeed. This is where Churchwell goes off the rails - logically, psychologically, and sociologically.
Presumably the assistance in realising one’s dream is meant to come from one’s fellow citizens. This is the opinion shared by that most American of philosophers, Josiah Royce. His idea of the Beloved Community articulates exactly this. Quite appropriately, Royce’s philosophy is a kind of secularised Christianity, an argument for mutual acceptance and loyalty to one another that fits comfortably with Churchwell’s mutual-assistance view of America.
But Churchwell ignores an issue that is central to Royce’s analysis. The Beloved Community can only exist if its members can find and commit to an intention, a purpose, which includes both their own and that of their fellow citizens. Merely accepting that others have different objectives than oneself is inadequate. In fact the diversity of unresolved interests is guaranteed to create a political outcome that no one wants even if all can accept it. We all become constrains on everyone else, thus ensuring that whatever dreams there are can never be realised.
In other words, there is a way, according to Royce, for realising our dreams. But the price necessary to achieve this is a very special sort of constructive politics. This is a politics of inclusion, of the incorporation of individual interests into an increasingly broad collective interest. The only way to eliminate the constraints we impose on each other is to ensure that there are no constraints on who participates in politics and a mechanism through which such ‘higher interests’ can be formulated. This is the implication of Royce’s analysis, and the requirement for Churchwell’s view to be operational.
Unfortunately the political system of the United States was not designed for such a constructive politics. It is a dialectical not a synthetic system. It thrives on immediate differences not potential commonalities. Its standard of success is winning not cooperating. American politics are what economists call a zero-sum game: winners are exactly balanced by losers. Synthetic solutions, that is actions that further purposes which go beyond individual interests but also include those interests, are rarely if ever possible.
So while I can certainly endorse Churchwell’s view as consistent with Royce’s philosophy as well as my own preferences, I have to conclude that it is no more than sentimental splutter. If Churchwell’s opinion were shared by enough Americans, it might provoke a political revolution. But the result would not resemble the America that exists today, or that has existed for the last two centuries. This is an America of the pioneering individualist and of the neo-liberal philosophy of the priority of individual interests. ‘America first’ actually means ‘Me first’ which is patently contradictory within any polity. And it is a very different dream than Churchwell’s, one that seems rapidly turning into a nightmare.
daaan's review against another edition
5.0
A really quite disturbing history of the phrases "American Dream" and in particular "America First". The sections on the American dream aren't too controversial and on the whole show that the term american dream has held a wide array of different meanings. America First has always and only been a term for nationalists, it's tied up with every major fascist group in American history. The way this book is written, with quote after quote really drives home how sinister the term is. It's also made me appreciate that the terms "hyphenated" and "100 per cent" are also incredibly loaded terms in American history. I'd never really appreciated Nordicism, the mistrust of Catholics, in particular Irish and Italian, until reading this. The ending shows the overall purpose of the book, to act as a platform for explicitly criticising the Trump administration. Everybody should read this, it's scary stuff.
shippinforecast's review against another edition
4.0
An interesting and comprehensive look at the origins of the phrases "American Dream" and "America First".
Made me think of the quote: "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it".
Made me think of the quote: "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it".
leda's review against another edition
5.0
In her enlightening book Behold America, Sarah Churchwell looks into the history of these two phrases and explores how their evolution, both their myths and their truths, had shaped reality in ways that are not yet fully understood. She looks into how did people use these phrases in the past across the U.S., how they emerged, about the same time, a hundred years ago, in 1916, and how they both became part of the American political conversation in different ways, not as ideas but as catchphrases.
The way a phrase evolves and the chains of association that are formed intuitively or unconsciously as one idea, define the political and social realities. It is surprising and instructive to see how these associations explain the situation that the U.S. is now.
In order to fight the danger of resurgence of fascism, you need to know the history. Fascists are masters of political theatre, they feed on peoples’ grievances; they demonize groups of people, and they present themselves as national saviours. They seek to subvert and eliminate liberal institutions. With her book Behold America, Sarah Churchwell remind us of the danger that U.S is facing and presents arguments to fight back against authoritarianism and white nationalist policies.
The way a phrase evolves and the chains of association that are formed intuitively or unconsciously as one idea, define the political and social realities. It is surprising and instructive to see how these associations explain the situation that the U.S. is now.
In order to fight the danger of resurgence of fascism, you need to know the history. Fascists are masters of political theatre, they feed on peoples’ grievances; they demonize groups of people, and they present themselves as national saviours. They seek to subvert and eliminate liberal institutions. With her book Behold America, Sarah Churchwell remind us of the danger that U.S is facing and presents arguments to fight back against authoritarianism and white nationalist policies.