davehershey's review against another edition
5.0
Who Should Read This Book - People who are REALLY into American history and want a DEEP DIVE into the story of the Civil Rights movement.
What’s the Big Takeaway - Branch stays focused on the story and avoids drawing lessons for today, so any take-always are up to the reader. That said, I’d say the big takeaway is this history is quite recent and we’re still working towards King’s dream.
And a quote:
“In Selma, Martin Luther King confronted furies ahead. In order to win the vote, movement spirits in many small places would have to lift politics into history. Beyond the vote lay Vietnam, which would spoil the celebrations of freedom that had been set in train over the past two years. King’s inner course was fixed downward toward the sanitation workers of Memphis. It was his course, but it was getting lonely. Neither King nor the movement could turn America into a mass meeting, but for three more years they could look to a distant one, at Canaan’s edge” (613)
This book is thick and filled with lots of names. I’m not gonna lie and say I read every word. I could have used a bit more focus and a bit fewer names. But then it would be a different book and this book (this series) is one we need. Even if only professional historians read it closely and amateurs read it less closely, its fitting because we’re still living it.
After finishing, I looked up some of those names that all kind of run together - Bob Moses, Diane Nash, James Bevel - and a lot of them are still alive! Look at arguments about the filibuster and voting rights - we’re still in the same struggle and the way voter suppression is going, we may be going backwards.
Three points from the book:
1. This is Malcolm X’s book. He did not appear in the first one but we got a lot of him here. His autobiography covered much of his life, but if I recall, was less about his later life after leaving the Nation of Islam. Branch picks up the story, without going into Malcom’s roots as much, so the autobiography would be a good supplement. I was surprised to learn Malcolm spoke at Selma at one point and how connected he was in 1964 and 1965 to King.
2. 1964 Democratic Convention looms large. Prior to the 1960s the Democrat party was dominated by white southerners. This began to shift and the 1964 convention was huge. While most white Democrats said they’d stay in the party, a few said if the Democrats embraced black southerners they’d leave. And they did. Soon the parties would look like what they do today.
3. Legacy - I was struck by the words and actions of so many sheriffs and politicians in the south, fighting against integration. This is what they are remembered for. That’s sad. May we be remembered not for our hate, but for our love.
Overall, a long book full of names that is a necessary and brilliant work of history.
What’s the Big Takeaway - Branch stays focused on the story and avoids drawing lessons for today, so any take-always are up to the reader. That said, I’d say the big takeaway is this history is quite recent and we’re still working towards King’s dream.
And a quote:
“In Selma, Martin Luther King confronted furies ahead. In order to win the vote, movement spirits in many small places would have to lift politics into history. Beyond the vote lay Vietnam, which would spoil the celebrations of freedom that had been set in train over the past two years. King’s inner course was fixed downward toward the sanitation workers of Memphis. It was his course, but it was getting lonely. Neither King nor the movement could turn America into a mass meeting, but for three more years they could look to a distant one, at Canaan’s edge” (613)
This book is thick and filled with lots of names. I’m not gonna lie and say I read every word. I could have used a bit more focus and a bit fewer names. But then it would be a different book and this book (this series) is one we need. Even if only professional historians read it closely and amateurs read it less closely, its fitting because we’re still living it.
After finishing, I looked up some of those names that all kind of run together - Bob Moses, Diane Nash, James Bevel - and a lot of them are still alive! Look at arguments about the filibuster and voting rights - we’re still in the same struggle and the way voter suppression is going, we may be going backwards.
Three points from the book:
1. This is Malcolm X’s book. He did not appear in the first one but we got a lot of him here. His autobiography covered much of his life, but if I recall, was less about his later life after leaving the Nation of Islam. Branch picks up the story, without going into Malcom’s roots as much, so the autobiography would be a good supplement. I was surprised to learn Malcolm spoke at Selma at one point and how connected he was in 1964 and 1965 to King.
2. 1964 Democratic Convention looms large. Prior to the 1960s the Democrat party was dominated by white southerners. This began to shift and the 1964 convention was huge. While most white Democrats said they’d stay in the party, a few said if the Democrats embraced black southerners they’d leave. And they did. Soon the parties would look like what they do today.
3. Legacy - I was struck by the words and actions of so many sheriffs and politicians in the south, fighting against integration. This is what they are remembered for. That’s sad. May we be remembered not for our hate, but for our love.
Overall, a long book full of names that is a necessary and brilliant work of history.
muhly22's review against another edition
5.0
This is a continuation of Parting the Waters, Branch's first book in the three-volume history of the Civil Rights movement during the King years. The second work was just as magisterial as the first, and really is a mind-changing look at the Civil Rights movement, and what the participants had to fight against.
bobbo49's review against another edition
5.0
I am moved by the coincidence of finishing this book, and with it (out of order, naturally) the trilogy, on the date of the Supreme Court argument over the constitutionality of the 2006 renewal of the Voting Rights Act, the 1965 version of which was the last legislative act of this middle saga of the King years. Malcolm X, Lyndon Johnson, the deplorable J. Edgar Hoover and his FBI, early stirrings of Vietnam, and the many other actors of the civil rights era, heroes and villains, share this story, which we all know is by no means completed. The details and the big picture still evoke awe and disgrace, admiration and disgust. Branch's lengthy but illuminating masterpieces are a necessary piece of history for the present and future generations.
adamvolle's review against another edition
5.0
Little does more for my despair about circumstances today than to read about how the odds were stacked against the good guys during the Civil Rights Era.
marystevens's review against another edition
5.0
The second in Taylor Branch's authoritative trilogy America In The King Years has a broader scope than Parting The Waters because so much happened in the country from the time of LBJ's swearing in on Air Force One to the passing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. We learn about the deceit which led to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution and thus to the Vietnam War, the charismatic but troubled Malcolm X and his assassination ordered by the corrupt and immoral Elijah Mohammed, LBJ's masterful shepherding of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act through Congress, SNCC and the brutal murders of Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney during Mississippi Freedom Summer, the railroading of the the heroic Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the 1964 Democratic Convention, all this and more Martin Luther King was involved in but we haven't even focused on him yet.
Despite being wiretapped and vilified by the aging and vindictive J. Edgar Hoover, these three years show MLK triumphant. Following an exhausting schedule (he was hospitalized more than once) Martin deftly handles difficulties in organizing and ultimate success in St. Augustine, Florida, whirlwind fund raising, sermons and speeches all across the country and in Europe, where he has an audience with the Pope (despite Hoover's best efforts), organizing for the 3 Marches from Selma to Montgomery (including Bloody Sunday) and a second trip to Norway to collect the Nobel Peace Prize.
Branch describes the difficulties and successes of organizing and we meet some the unsung heroes: Bob Moses, Rep. John Lewis, Vernon Dahmer, Fannie Lou Hamer but the real heroes of the civil rights movement are the ministers and black students who went into the little towns in the south and the farmers, mechanics and teachers who responded to them, suffered and sometimes died in the great struggle for equality. A struggle we are still engaged in today, 50 years later.
christythelibrarian's review against another edition
5.0
“Stokes raised both hands toward [LAPD officer] Weese, who shot him through the heart from about eight feet.”
This sentence depicts the fatal escalation of the April 27, 1962 conflict between the LAPD and members of the Nation of Islam temple no. 27. The chaotic sequence of events that led to the killing of Ronald X Stokes started with this: outside temple no. 27, Monroe X Jones asked Fred X Jingles to inspect some suits in the trunk of his car to help determine of they had resale value. Two white police officers driving by saw the two men at Jones’ car, and decided to stop and conduct a “burglary sweep.”
The full account of this conflict, where seven unarmed Nation of Islam members were shot by the LAPD, is the starting point for Pillar of Fire, the second of Taylor Branch’s trilogy about the Civil Rights movement in the 1950’s and 1960’s.
This account of the events of April 27, 1962 is one example of how reading history helps us understand how we got to where we are today. Pillar of Fire is full of moments of recognition, where the reader sees the DNA of today’s news in past events.
Pillar of Fire covers events from 1963 to 1965. It is impossible to recount everything that struck me while reading this book. I was highlighting passages in my Kindle edition like mad. What follows is an attempt to highlight some of the prominent narrative threads and themes I noted.
There’s a reason that the recent movie Selma begins with the September 15, 1963 killing of four young girls in the bombing of 16th Street Baptist in Birmingham. It is an event that reverberated throughout the civil rights movement, even though it didn’t quite shame the nation into repentance.
"[A] white lawyer made himself a lifetime pariah from Birmingham by blaming every citizen who took discreet comfort in segregation, saying, “We all did it,” but Mayor Albert Boutwell stoutly insisted, “We are all victims.”"
Upon hearing the news in North Carolina, James Bevel and Diane Nash, civil rights leaders and champions of nonviolent activism, briefly contemplated vigilantism. In the end, they hatched an idea for a mass nonviolent protest centered around Alabama’s capital, Montgomery, an idea that found form later in the Selma to Montgomery march. (Pillar of Fire‘s chronological coverage extends almost to the point of this march.)
The lack of justice for the 16th Street Baptist bombings is a shadow throughout the book. (No one was convicted for the crime until 1977.) This injustice is joined by the lack of justice for NAACP leader Medgar Ever’s 1963 assassination (no conviction until 1994); the 1964 murders of civil rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Mickey Schwerner (those few of the lynching mob who are convicted in 1967 do not serve more than six years in prison). In an epilogue, Branch also describes the 1966 Klan killing of Mississippi voting rights activist Vernon Dahmer, and how three of the four convicted were pardoned after only four years in prison by the state governor. The KKK leader, Sam Bowers, who ordered the murder was tried for the crime, but deadlocked juries kept him from conviction. In 1998, the case was reopened and Bowers was finally convicted of Dahmer’s murder.
While mulling over this systemic denial of court justice, consider the segregationist congressman who decried the 1964 Civil Rights Bill as a “monstrous instrument of oppression upon all of the American people.” Or the time when Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. is told by a fellow plane passenger that the new civil rights law would “just carry on the trend toward federal dictatorship.” (Newsweek polls found that 74% of whites believed that the pace of integration was “moving too fast.”)
The skillful framing of desegregation as a big government imposition was propagated by several politicians of the era. During his presidential campaign, former Alabaman governor George Wallace talked often of “states’ rights” and “sweeping federal encroachment.” Such dog-whistle rhetoric was picked up by the chosen Republican presidential candidate Goldwater. Of Goldwater, King stated, “While not himself a racist, Mr. Goldwater articulates a philosophy which gives aid and comfort to the racist.”
The galling fact is that if anyone was suppressed by big government intrusion, it was Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. It is well-known now that Dr. King was under almost constant FBI surveillance. The loathsome and powerful FBI director, J. Edgar Hoover directed this surveillance and also authorized releases of scurrilous information about King to the press (false accusations of Communistic ties, true accusations of infidelity). Hoover tried to prevent King’s meeting with the Pope and in a press interview, Hoover called King “the most notorious liar” in the United States. Again, the FBI’s surveillance of King is no longer a secret, but I was still surprised and horrified by the persistence, extent, and petty exploitation of it.
The in-depth nature of Pillar of Fire also alerted me to historical events I’d never heard of. I had no idea about the integrationist movement in St. Augustine, Florida, for instance, which called out the fact that the oldest city in the United States remained segregated. I also did not know about the jailing of voting rights activists from Greenwood and Itta Bena, Mississippi (for “disturbing the peace”). Some of these activists were imprisoned in the notorious Parchman Penitentiary, where they were sometimes kept in hotboxes, and also hung by their hands in their cells. I didn’t know about the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party delegation that sought seats at the Democratic National Convention, and were denied their place in the political process. And though I knew of Malcolm X, I didn’t know many details about what he did and said.
As I said about the first book, I feel like Pillar of Fire has helped me understand my country better. Not to sound hyperbolic about it, but in some not-fully-realized way, I feel like these books have changed my life.
This sentence depicts the fatal escalation of the April 27, 1962 conflict between the LAPD and members of the Nation of Islam temple no. 27. The chaotic sequence of events that led to the killing of Ronald X Stokes started with this: outside temple no. 27, Monroe X Jones asked Fred X Jingles to inspect some suits in the trunk of his car to help determine of they had resale value. Two white police officers driving by saw the two men at Jones’ car, and decided to stop and conduct a “burglary sweep.”
The full account of this conflict, where seven unarmed Nation of Islam members were shot by the LAPD, is the starting point for Pillar of Fire, the second of Taylor Branch’s trilogy about the Civil Rights movement in the 1950’s and 1960’s.
This account of the events of April 27, 1962 is one example of how reading history helps us understand how we got to where we are today. Pillar of Fire is full of moments of recognition, where the reader sees the DNA of today’s news in past events.
Pillar of Fire covers events from 1963 to 1965. It is impossible to recount everything that struck me while reading this book. I was highlighting passages in my Kindle edition like mad. What follows is an attempt to highlight some of the prominent narrative threads and themes I noted.
There’s a reason that the recent movie Selma begins with the September 15, 1963 killing of four young girls in the bombing of 16th Street Baptist in Birmingham. It is an event that reverberated throughout the civil rights movement, even though it didn’t quite shame the nation into repentance.
"[A] white lawyer made himself a lifetime pariah from Birmingham by blaming every citizen who took discreet comfort in segregation, saying, “We all did it,” but Mayor Albert Boutwell stoutly insisted, “We are all victims.”"
Upon hearing the news in North Carolina, James Bevel and Diane Nash, civil rights leaders and champions of nonviolent activism, briefly contemplated vigilantism. In the end, they hatched an idea for a mass nonviolent protest centered around Alabama’s capital, Montgomery, an idea that found form later in the Selma to Montgomery march. (Pillar of Fire‘s chronological coverage extends almost to the point of this march.)
The lack of justice for the 16th Street Baptist bombings is a shadow throughout the book. (No one was convicted for the crime until 1977.) This injustice is joined by the lack of justice for NAACP leader Medgar Ever’s 1963 assassination (no conviction until 1994); the 1964 murders of civil rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Mickey Schwerner (those few of the lynching mob who are convicted in 1967 do not serve more than six years in prison). In an epilogue, Branch also describes the 1966 Klan killing of Mississippi voting rights activist Vernon Dahmer, and how three of the four convicted were pardoned after only four years in prison by the state governor. The KKK leader, Sam Bowers, who ordered the murder was tried for the crime, but deadlocked juries kept him from conviction. In 1998, the case was reopened and Bowers was finally convicted of Dahmer’s murder.
While mulling over this systemic denial of court justice, consider the segregationist congressman who decried the 1964 Civil Rights Bill as a “monstrous instrument of oppression upon all of the American people.” Or the time when Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. is told by a fellow plane passenger that the new civil rights law would “just carry on the trend toward federal dictatorship.” (Newsweek polls found that 74% of whites believed that the pace of integration was “moving too fast.”)
The skillful framing of desegregation as a big government imposition was propagated by several politicians of the era. During his presidential campaign, former Alabaman governor George Wallace talked often of “states’ rights” and “sweeping federal encroachment.” Such dog-whistle rhetoric was picked up by the chosen Republican presidential candidate Goldwater. Of Goldwater, King stated, “While not himself a racist, Mr. Goldwater articulates a philosophy which gives aid and comfort to the racist.”
The galling fact is that if anyone was suppressed by big government intrusion, it was Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. It is well-known now that Dr. King was under almost constant FBI surveillance. The loathsome and powerful FBI director, J. Edgar Hoover directed this surveillance and also authorized releases of scurrilous information about King to the press (false accusations of Communistic ties, true accusations of infidelity). Hoover tried to prevent King’s meeting with the Pope and in a press interview, Hoover called King “the most notorious liar” in the United States. Again, the FBI’s surveillance of King is no longer a secret, but I was still surprised and horrified by the persistence, extent, and petty exploitation of it.
The in-depth nature of Pillar of Fire also alerted me to historical events I’d never heard of. I had no idea about the integrationist movement in St. Augustine, Florida, for instance, which called out the fact that the oldest city in the United States remained segregated. I also did not know about the jailing of voting rights activists from Greenwood and Itta Bena, Mississippi (for “disturbing the peace”). Some of these activists were imprisoned in the notorious Parchman Penitentiary, where they were sometimes kept in hotboxes, and also hung by their hands in their cells. I didn’t know about the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party delegation that sought seats at the Democratic National Convention, and were denied their place in the political process. And though I knew of Malcolm X, I didn’t know many details about what he did and said.
As I said about the first book, I feel like Pillar of Fire has helped me understand my country better. Not to sound hyperbolic about it, but in some not-fully-realized way, I feel like these books have changed my life.
mattrohn's review
informative
slow-paced
4.0
This is a book I'd love to teach from - extremely easy to read, provides good background on Marshall and his legal work for the NAACP LDF, and on Kenya's independence movement in the early postwar era, links the two, and touches on a range of perspectives through which those two projects interacted, both directly and ideologically. For just your own personal reading, if you're already familiar with the history of decolonization in Africa, and particularly with the legal history of the civil rights era, a decent amount of this book will be reviewing events that you're already familiar with, but it's a short book and the parts on Marshall's actual work drafting the Kenyan constitution is fascinating
johnnygamble's review against another edition
4.0
So much I didn't know and so much I'll never understand. I had trouble keepng up with who was who but that's probably on me.
skitch41's review
4.0
The Civil Rights movement profoundly affected American history and the nation’s race relations for a generation. Some of the big moments, like the March on Washington, are indelibly etched into popular imagination. But what was the movement like at its peak and what lessons does it hold for us today? In this second volume to his trilogy on the era, Mr. Branch catalogues the ins and outs of the movement at its peak.
This volume starts by retreading some ground from the last chapters in the previous book. For those who have read it, you might wonder why Mr. Branch decided to do this. However, Mr. Branch not only helps to refresh the memories of folks who may not have picked up the first volume in a while (almost a decade separates the publication of each of them volumes from each other) while also approaching it from a new perspective. While some of the first part will be familiar, much of it is also new too.
What is also much appreciated in this volume is how Mr. Branch expands his scope to include other voices that were not as prominent or even ignored in the previous volume. Specifically, Malcom X and the Nation of Islam finally make their appearance in Mr. Branch’s history and provide a much needed counterpoint to Dr. King’s nonviolent protest. While acknowledging the stark differences in philosophy, Mr Branch also injects Malcom X with enough nuance to upset the seemingly black-and-white narrative. It should be thought-provoking to many who have not given much though to Malcom X before.
Another great improvement in this sequel from the previous volume is how the chapters have been shrunk. With the exception of the last chapters, the average chapter length is about 10-20 pages; some are even shorter than that. This is a much welcome relief from the previous volume as 30-40 page chapters one after another could get a little tiresome.
Lastly, this book does a tremendous job of showing the forces that were only hinted at in the previous volume coming to a head. By the end of the book, the violent white backlash has come into full swing and the charges of infidelity against King and other members of the movement have come close to undermining the movement and even dissolved some marriages.
As we face another moment in our history where race relations and nonviolent protests are at the forefront of our politics, the lessons one can draw from this book are innumerable. For those who are looking for a definitive history of the Civil Rights movement, look no further than this history. I look forward to wrapping up the final volume in the trilogy soon.
This volume starts by retreading some ground from the last chapters in the previous book. For those who have read it, you might wonder why Mr. Branch decided to do this. However, Mr. Branch not only helps to refresh the memories of folks who may not have picked up the first volume in a while (almost a decade separates the publication of each of them volumes from each other) while also approaching it from a new perspective. While some of the first part will be familiar, much of it is also new too.
What is also much appreciated in this volume is how Mr. Branch expands his scope to include other voices that were not as prominent or even ignored in the previous volume. Specifically, Malcom X and the Nation of Islam finally make their appearance in Mr. Branch’s history and provide a much needed counterpoint to Dr. King’s nonviolent protest. While acknowledging the stark differences in philosophy, Mr Branch also injects Malcom X with enough nuance to upset the seemingly black-and-white narrative. It should be thought-provoking to many who have not given much though to Malcom X before.
Another great improvement in this sequel from the previous volume is how the chapters have been shrunk. With the exception of the last chapters, the average chapter length is about 10-20 pages; some are even shorter than that. This is a much welcome relief from the previous volume as 30-40 page chapters one after another could get a little tiresome.
Lastly, this book does a tremendous job of showing the forces that were only hinted at in the previous volume coming to a head. By the end of the book, the violent white backlash has come into full swing and the charges of infidelity against King and other members of the movement have come close to undermining the movement and even dissolved some marriages.
As we face another moment in our history where race relations and nonviolent protests are at the forefront of our politics, the lessons one can draw from this book are innumerable. For those who are looking for a definitive history of the Civil Rights movement, look no further than this history. I look forward to wrapping up the final volume in the trilogy soon.
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