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shanehawk's review against another edition
4.0
As a rabid anti-communist and former Trotskyist Burnham viewed the world on both world historical and systemic terms. He believed in objective political analysis and put forth sweeping claims. For more: read George Orwell’s Second Thoughts on James Burnham.
Burnham argued the West was committing suicide on a global scale because of its unrelenting adherence to the doctrine of (modern) liberalism. He wrote scathingly of modern liberalism most likely because it shares a close resemblance with communism in which they both have a combination of historical determinism and radical Pelagianism. Liberalism, according to Burnham, made the West feel a constant guilt and undermined its confidence even in its own institutions. He feared the West might have lost the Cold War to zealous communism—keep in mind this was published in 1964.
Burnham argued that an enemy on the Right was imperative to modern liberalism and when this enemy wasn’t apparent or existent “liberalism must invent him.” Hence fascism has “a prominence that has no objective historical justification.”
He presented 39 tenets of modern liberalism and for one to pass as a liberal one must agree with 85% of them. Reading them in 2018 shows how much liberalism has influenced the Right as many conservatives would agree with the tenets as well. As the saying goes, “Conservatism is just progressivism driving the speed limit.”
Despite being a non-ideologue and pragmatist his core thinking ability in 1964 mirrors some traits of today’s far-right, as in: neoreactionary analyses of Leftism, the alt-right’s declensionism, and general fears of the Left’s pathological altruism.
I recommend this book to people interested in (apocalyptic declinist) liberal critique during the 60s, or those interested in the viewpoints of an ex-Trotskyist who worked for the OSS and co-founded The National Review.
Burnham argued the West was committing suicide on a global scale because of its unrelenting adherence to the doctrine of (modern) liberalism. He wrote scathingly of modern liberalism most likely because it shares a close resemblance with communism in which they both have a combination of historical determinism and radical Pelagianism. Liberalism, according to Burnham, made the West feel a constant guilt and undermined its confidence even in its own institutions. He feared the West might have lost the Cold War to zealous communism—keep in mind this was published in 1964.
Burnham argued that an enemy on the Right was imperative to modern liberalism and when this enemy wasn’t apparent or existent “liberalism must invent him.” Hence fascism has “a prominence that has no objective historical justification.”
He presented 39 tenets of modern liberalism and for one to pass as a liberal one must agree with 85% of them. Reading them in 2018 shows how much liberalism has influenced the Right as many conservatives would agree with the tenets as well. As the saying goes, “Conservatism is just progressivism driving the speed limit.”
Despite being a non-ideologue and pragmatist his core thinking ability in 1964 mirrors some traits of today’s far-right, as in: neoreactionary analyses of Leftism, the alt-right’s declensionism, and general fears of the Left’s pathological altruism.
I recommend this book to people interested in (apocalyptic declinist) liberal critique during the 60s, or those interested in the viewpoints of an ex-Trotskyist who worked for the OSS and co-founded The National Review.