A review by saxifrage_seldon
Paying for the Party: How College Maintains Inequality by Elizabeth A. Armstrong

5.0

Elizabeth Armstrong and Laura Hamilton’s award-winning sociology book results from a long-term ethnographic study of a flagship public research university in the Midwestern United States. The researchers lived in what was promoted as a female “party dorm” and tracked the students living on a floor from their first year in college through graduation and beyond (their last interviews were when the women were 24 years old). The results of this study are extremely depressing and showcase how many colleges maintain social, primarily class, inequality. It shows how the structures that maintain and accentuate these colleges are so subtle and ingrained into their historical culture that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to remedy. In their study, the authors and their researchers coined three different pathways for the students they studied. The “party” pathway was reserved for upper and upper-middle-class students who could afford low grades, an easy major, and a partying lifestyle. While not taking college seriously in any ways, these students were reproducing class networks that would reproduce their class position throughout their lives. In fact, after college and through family connections, these students were offered a wide array of internships and jobs at prestigious organizations while having their living expenses fully paid for by their parents. However, it should be noted that many lower classes attempted this pathway (the researchers labeled them the “wannabes), and their long-term trajectories had disastrous results as they were not able to afford this lifestyle, whether it be expenses or not concentrating on work. The second pathway was the “mobility” pathway designed for middle- and working-class students who saw college as the primary institution to become upwardly socially mobile. However, living in the “party dorm” had problematic impacts on them. Despite their drive, their class position, lack of cultural capital, and the social ostracization made it difficult for them to succeed. In fact, in one of the most depressing statistics of the book, the only “strivers” on this pathway that succeeded were the ones that left the institution to finish their degrees at a regional college. Finally, there was the “professional” pathway which was reserved for highly educated upper-class students who were achievers in their academic and professional goals and wanted to reproduce their class backgrounds. While important, the “professional” pathway was the least discussed. The vast majority of this book looked at the diversity of class backgrounds on this floor of the dorm, and the different trajectories this led students to. Class here isn’t solely defined by income and wealth but by a myriad of factors, including social connections, cultural capital, amongst other things. The appendix goes in-depth to the “messiness” of class, how it was studied, and how real-life examples subverted traditional notions of the term. This book is depressing in that colleges, especially flagship public universities, are promoted as being designed for upward class mobility, as well as diversity amongst people from different classes, races, ethnicities, nationalities, etc. Instead, what is portrayed here is an extremely rigid and segregated organization meant to reproduce class position rather than dismantle it. What is even more depressing is that agency in terms of academics, intelligence, hard work, resilience, etc., are rather meaningless in the trajectory of these students, and in some cases, these attributes, if exerted, could be determinantal to the students engaged in these pathways (this was clearly shown for those who wanted to work hard but were stuck in the “party” pathway). In all, I would highly recommend this book for anyone interested in social class and its intersections with higher education or for anyone in college or thinking about going to college.